Léitheoir: ‘The Irish Unity Dividend’ by Ben Collins reviewed

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 placed a legal obligation on the British and Irish governments to hold a referendum to decide whether Northern Ireland should remain in the UK or become part of a united Ireland. This procedure would involve two simultaneous referendums, one in the North and one in the Republic. The date of the border poll is to be decided by the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland ‘if it appears likely that a majority would vote for unity.’ This is a vague and unsatisfactory arrangement, deliberately so, one might think, because the prospect of a re-united Ireland is a very contentious and fraught issue – a can to be kicked down the road for as long as possible, perhaps.

For many unionists in the north of Ireland, reunification is the great Unthinkable: for unionist politicians the link with Britain is their raison d’etre, and Irish unity a highly emotive topic which elicits cries of No Surrender, however eloquently or bluntly expressed; it is a perceived threat to their identity, security and status. For many nationalists, on the other hand, the referendum on Irish unity quite literally cannot come quickly enough and the delay on the part of both governments is a source of frustration.

A significant and valuable contribution to this debate is provided by The Irish Unity Dividend, a recently published book on the subject by political commentator Ben Collins, which advocates cogently and unapologetically for Irish reunification. By ‘dividend’ Collins refers to the many tangible benefits which would accrue to the entire population of Ireland, north and south, by reunification of the country.

One interesting fact about the publication, which is addressed in the introduction, is a relatively unconventional biographical detail. Ben Collins tells how he was born and brought up in a staunchly unionist family in East Belfast and began his political career as a firm supporter of the union until his experience of living and working in Britain caused his thinking to evolve. Brexit has clearly played a significant part in his reassessment of the constitutional question. Collins’s ideological journey is unlikely to persuade unionists to change their views and adopt his position, of course. Words such as Lundy and traitor might be prominent in their initial response. Collins hopes instead that the strength and practicality or common sense of his arguments, based on data and incontrovertible fact rather than emotion or outdated myths about relative prosperity, will be more effective.

Collins argues that reunification is not just a romantic ideal. He presents his case for constitutional change in terms of potential benefits that impact on people’s everyday lives, North and South. His well-argued exposition examines a range of areas including healthcare, housing, education and the economy, and is meticulously supported by relevant data and research at every stage. Reunification is advocated as a means of securing peace and prosperity. He argues that a United Ireland within the European Union will provide the highest possible quality of life for all who live across the island of Ireland.

Collins asserts persuasively that citizens of the island of Ireland are at present paying a ‘segregation tax’ by having two health services, education services, legal services, police services, energy systems and so forth, and that the money saved could be invested in public services, education, housing and other essential areas.

He demonstrates by means of relevant and reliable data, detailed in his very impressive endnotes, that the Republic of Ireland is now ahead of the UK on a range of metrics in terms of living standards, child poverty, human rights, and third level education. In international surveys Ireland has been rated higher in terms of quality of life, which includes factors like household income. Many of the discrepancies between Northern Ireland and the Republic have been accelerated by Brexit.

The Author summarises his position by stating that, whatever a person’s constitutional preference may be, we all want access to good schools, health care that works for everyone, a strong economy, desirable homes and a future that works for the next generation. We need to be able to talk about Irish unity in this context, he says, where we explain the options, listen to concerns and work out together the best way forward.

He insists throughout his text that creating a new nation which has an effective and efficient health service, provides good jobs, educates people to a high standard and has equality and diversity as demonstrable core values will make a crucial difference.

The book insists that the Irish government has a key role in planning for and implementing reunification. Planning should happen before a referendum, to avoid the chaos of Brexit 

Collins supports Leo Varadkar’s call for the Irish government to publicly state that Irish unity is its objective; otherwise, he says, the British government will not feel under pressure to grant a referendum. This is a sensible and persuasive observation also.

Collins asks what the UK’s criteria for deciding when to hold a referendum on unity are, and insists that these should be made clear and specific. He recommends that the Irish government should request this, and should also devise and publish its own list of criteria, after consultation with EU and USA.

The Irish Unity Dividend is an excellent, straightforward and accessible contribution to the Irish unity debate. It has been very well received by a wide range of respected figures, including former president Mary McAleese. It is highly recommended.

‘The Irish Unity Dividend’ by Ben Collins is published by Luath Press and costs £14.99