Derry "the centre of attention" in the Partition question

This week marks the 100th anniversary of the signing of The Anglo-Irish Treaty. In the first of a two-part series, Matthew Leslie speaks to Dr Adrian Grant of Ulster University to examine life in Derry before the Treaty had been signed. 

One hundred years ago this week, the Anglo-Irish Treaty to determine the future of Ireland and its relationship with the United Kingdom was signed at Downing Street after tense negotiation.

The final outcome would have profound consequences for the city of Derry who would find itself relegated to 'border town' status once the creation of the Northern Irish state loyal to the UK had been established.

The Irish negotiators in London were Arthur Griffiths, Michael Collins, Robert Barton, Eamonn Duggan and George Gavan Duffy.

On the British side was David Lloyd George, Lord Birkenhead, Austen Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, Sir Laming Worthington-Evans, Sir Gordon Hewart and Sir Hamar Greenwood.

What followed was the creation of the Irish Free State as a self-governing dominion within the British Empire. The British would also retain use of three ports – Berehaven and Spike Island in the south and Lough Swilly in Co. Donegal.

A common assumption was this Treaty resulted in the partition of Ireland with six counties being formed as Northern Ireland and would remain part of the United Kingdom.

However, partition had already been put into place on paper with the Government of Ireland Act in 1920 with it taking effect on May 3, 1921.

All the Anglo-Irish Treaty did was give the devolved, and predominantly unionist government of Northern Ireland the option to opt out of being part of the new Irish Free State – which they duly exercised.

But partition was not an idea born out of a hurried idea to provide a compromised or botched solution to 'the Irish Question'.

As Dr Adrian Grant of Ulster University reveals, the seeds of it had been sown long before Michael Collins sat down to negotiate with Lloyd George.

He said: “One hundred years ago, the issue of partition was on everyone's minds in Derry and the North West.

“It was first mentioned in the nineteenth century as a solution to, what was called at the time, 'The Irish Question' – the idea that Ireland would be self-governing.

“Obviously there was major opposition to that in Ulster from the unionist population. So the idea that partition may be a solution with Ulster being under Westminster's control while the rest of Ireland would be under a Dublin government really began to have an affect on Derry in the early part of the twentieth century.

“Especially around the years 1911 and 1912 when Ulster unionism began to mobilise physically in terms of protests, the formation of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the signing of the Ulster Covenant.

“That really had a major impact on the North West – and Derry in particular. There was an eleven-year period then from 1912 to 1923 where partition was in the position that kind of like Brexit is today in that in the last five years or so it was the only thing that people were thinking about.

“It did have an acute effect on Derry – particularly around 1913 and 1914, Derry was the centre of attention for the partition question because it was seen as the place most likely to see violence emerge as a result of those political discussions.

“But of course everything changed following the outbreak of the First World War. After the war, divisions became even more entrenched and violence became a reality instead of just a prospect.”

While the British Government continued to hesitate over Home Rule for Ireland, Republican volunteers took matters into their own hands in 1916 by launching the Easter Rising.

Ultimately, this attempt to win independence from the British failed and the rebellion was crushed. However, the question of self-determination did not end with the execution of the rising's leaders and a growing political force by the name of Sinn Féin more than made its mark with a stunning performance at the 1918 General Election.

The party went from only having six seats to 73 – including the constituency of Derry City.

Dr Grant added: “The thing about the Derry parliamentary seat is that it was a swing seat – a bit like today with the Fermanagh and South Tyrone Westminster seat.

“The Derry City seat was so contentious because most men had a vote in parliamentary elections but not in local elections – an issue that remained controversial right up to the early 1970s.

“With the parliamentary vote, nationalists and unionists were evenly split in terms of the voting rights in the city. So election results tended to go 'unionist-nationalist-unionist-nationalist' throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth century.

“So it wasn't a huge surprise when Sinn Féin won it in 1918. But at the same time, it was always very close and there was huge media attention on it because it was so close.

“The big thing in 1918 was that the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and Sinn Féin made a pact in Ulster that meant Derry was kind of pre-decided almost for Sinn Féin.

“The IPP pulled back and gave Sinn Féin a free run at Derry but they would have got free runs themselves elsewhere such as West Belfast for example when Sinn Féin pulled out there.

“Cardinal Michael Logue – who was the Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland – brokered a pact between Sinn Féin and the IPP as they were afraid that they would knock each other out in seats like Derry and West Belfast and let the Unionists in to sweep up the seats.”

Read more:

When unionists lost control of Derry

Ground shifts away from Derry's nationalists as Partition lines are drawn up